(Europe’s Gypsies, Are They a Nation?)

　　The striving of countries in Central Europe to enter the European Union may offer an unprecedented chance to the continent’s Gypsies (or Roman) to be recognized as a nation, albeit one without a defined territory. And if they were to achieve that they might even seek some kind of formal place-at least a total population outnumbers that of many of the Union’s present and future countries. Some experts put the figure at 4m-plus; some proponents of Gypsy rights go as high as 15m.

　　Unlike Jews, Gypsies have had no known ancestral land to hark back to. Though their language is related to Hindi， their territorial origins are misty. Romanian peasants held them to be born on the moon. Other Europeans (wrongly) thought them migrant Egyptians, hence the derivative Gypsy. Most probably they were itinerant metal workers and entertainers who drifted west from India in the 7th century.

　　However, since communism in Central Europe collapsed a decade ago, the notion of Romanestan as a landless nation founded on Gypsy culture has gained ground. The International Romany Union， which says it stands for 10m Gypsies in more than 30 countries, is fostering the idea of “self-rallying”。 It is trying to promote a standard and written form of the language; it waves a Gypsy flag (green with a wheel) when it lobbies in such places as the United Bations; and in July it held a congress in Prague, The Czech capital. Where President Vaclav Havel said that Gypsies in his own country and elsewhere should have a better deal.

　　At the congress a Slovak-born lawyer, Emil Scuka, was elected president of the International Tomany Union. Later this month a group of elected Gypsy politicians, including members of parliament, mayors and local councilors from all over Europe (OSCE), to discuss how to persuade more Gypsies to get involved in politics.

　　The International Romany Union is probably the most representative of the outfits that speak for Gypsies, but that is not saying a lot. Of the several hundred delegates who gathered at its congress, few were democratically elected; oddly, none came from Hungary, whose Gypsies are perhaps the world’s best organized, with some 450 Gypsy bodies advising local councils there. The union did, however, announce its ambition to set up a parliament, but how it would actually be elected was left undecided.

　　So far, the European Commission is wary of encouraging Gypsies to present themselves as a nation. The might, it is feared, open a Pandora’s box already containing Basques, Corsicans and other awkward peoples. Besides, acknowledging Gypsies as a nation might backfire, just when several countries, particularly Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, are beginning to treat them better, in order to qualify for EU membership. “The EU’s whole premise is to overcome differences， not to highlight them,” says a nervous Eurocrat.

　　But the idea that the Gypsies should win some kind of special recognition as Europe’s largest continent wide minority, and one with a terrible history of persecution, is catching on. Gypsies have suffered many pogroms over the centuries. In Romania， the country that still has the largest number of them (more than 1m) in the 19th century they were actually enslaved. Hitler tried to wipe them out, along with the Jews.

　　“Gypsies deserve some space within European structures,” says Jan Marinus Wiersma, a Dutchman in the European Parliament who suggests that one of the current commissioners should be responsible for Gypsy affairs. Some prominent Gypsies say they should be more directly represented, perhaps with a quota in the European Parliament. That, they argue, might give them a boost. There are moves afoot to help them to get money for, among other things, a Gypsy university.

　　One big snag is that Europe’s Gypsies are, in fact, extremely heterogeneous. They belong to many different, and often antagonistic， clans and tribes, with no common language or religion, Their self-proclaimed leaders have often proved quarrelsome and corrupt. Still, says, Dimitrina Petrova, head of the European Roma Rights Center in Budapest, Gypsies’ shared experience of suffering entitles them to talk of one nation; their potential unity, she says, stems from “being regarded as sub-human by most majorities in Europe.”

　　And they have begun to be a bit more pragmatic. In Slovakia and Bulgaria, for instance, Gypsy political parties are trying to form electoral blocks that could win seats in parliament. In Macedonia, a Gypsy party already has some-and even runs a municipality. Nicholas Gheorge, an expert on Gypsy affairs at the OSCE, reckons that, spread over Central Europe, there are now about 20 Gypsy MPS and mayors, 400-odd local councilors, and a growing number of businessmen and intellectuals.

　　That is far from saying that they have the people or the cash to forge a nation. But, with the Gypsy question on the EU’s agenda in Central Europe, they are making ground.

　　寫作手法與文章大意

　　文章以對(duì)比手法環(huán)繞吉普塞是不是一個(gè)民族/國(guó)家，可不可以取得合法地位這一中心而寫。從人口上說，它的數(shù)量超過加入歐盟許多國(guó)家，應(yīng)在歐盟中一席之底。但人口分散在各國(guó)，他是對(duì)抗的部落，還沒有共同的語言和信仰。不像猶太人，它們沒有回歸的祖居地。它們成立了國(guó)際聯(lián)盟，也選出了領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，在布魯塞爾開設(shè)了辦事處，想成立國(guó)會(huì)，但不知如何落實(shí)操作，只是極力游說歐盟和聯(lián)合國(guó)等組織，以獲得一個(gè)合法地位和發(fā)言權(quán)。這是歐盟日程表上一個(gè)問題，但歐盟等機(jī)構(gòu)又擔(dān)心，萬一他們?nèi)〉谜�式地位，那些�?guó)家中正鬧分離和獨(dú)立的民族也會(huì)提出同樣的要求，就象潘多拉盒子那樣，不能打開。

　　答案祥解

　　1. B. 他們是一個(gè)民族/國(guó)家嗎?整篇文章環(huán)境這一點(diǎn)而2. 寫，3. 文章一開始就提出中歐入歐盟的國(guó)家會(huì)給大陸吉普塞人一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，4. 承認(rèn)他們是一個(gè)民族--國(guó)家，5. 雖然沒有界定的領(lǐng)土(作為國(guó)家，6. 應(yīng)有領(lǐng)土)。吉普塞人的領(lǐng)袖人物也指7. 出其人數(shù)超過歐盟中許多現(xiàn)在有的和將來要入盟的國(guó)家。他們至少要在歐盟中有一席之地。第二段提出，8. 吉普塞和猶太人不同，9. 他們沒有可回歸的祖居地。他們的語言屬印歐語系。英國(guó)人認(rèn)為他們來自埃及及移民。最可能的是七世紀(jì)時(shí)一些流浪的手工業(yè)工人和藝人從印度向西方流移。第三段涉及一種思想--以吉普塞文化為基礎(chǔ)的無疆土的吉普塞民族應(yīng)有個(gè)說話的地方-越來越為人接受。國(guó)際吉普塞人聯(lián)盟聲稱代表30多個(gè)國(guó)家的吉普塞人，10. 做了幾件事：展開自我聯(lián)合，11. 提出語言標(biāo)12. 準(zhǔn)和書面形式，13. 在聯(lián)合國(guó)進(jìn)行游說活動(dòng)時(shí)揮動(dòng)吉普塞國(guó)旗，14. 在布魯塞爾設(shè)立辦事處，15. 六月在捷克首都布拉格召開會(huì)議。第四段集中講到會(huì)上選出了聯(lián)盟主席。一群選出吉普塞的政治家--國(guó)會(huì)議員，16. 市長(zhǎng)， 17. 地方政務(wù)委員再次在布拉格開會(huì)，18. 會(huì)議由歐洲安全合作條約組織召集，19. 來討論如何動(dòng)員更多的吉普塞人參政。第五段涉及聯(lián)盟雄心勃勃的宣布要建立國(guó)會(huì)，20. 但如何實(shí)際操作還未落實(shí)。后面主要是外界對(duì)吉普塞的態(tài)度。第六段描述歐盟委員會(huì)在吉普塞作為最大的大陸少數(shù)民族，21. 歷史上遭到殘酷的迫害，22. 應(yīng)贏得特別承認(rèn)。19世紀(jì)他們橫遭奴役，希23. 特勒企圖把它們和猶太人一起消滅。第八段講了歐洲會(huì)議中有人提出吉普塞在歐洲機(jī)構(gòu)中應(yīng)有一席之地，24. 還提議一個(gè)常務(wù)委員負(fù)責(zé)吉普塞事務(wù)。還有行動(dòng)籌建建立一所吉普塞大學(xué)。后面兩段講的是困難，25. 第九段點(diǎn)出。最后一段指26. 出，27. 現(xiàn)在說他們有人有錢可以組成(國(guó)家)為時(shí)還早， 28. 可是吉普塞是歐盟中日程表上的一個(gè)問題，29. 他們?nèi)找娼咏�解決。從內(nèi)部，30. 外部情況分析都說明吉普塞是一個(gè)組成國(guó)家的民族。全文都是環(huán)繞它是不31. 是，32. 該不33. 該承認(rèn)為民族/國(guó)家而34. 寫，35. 所以B項(xiàng)他們是不 36. 是民族是最佳標(biāo)37. 題。

　　A. 吉普塞要想組成一個(gè)國(guó)家(民族)。這只是文章涉及到的部分內(nèi)容，中歐國(guó)家想加入歐盟一事可能產(chǎn)生的結(jié)果。 C. 歐盟害怕它們成長(zhǎng)。 D. 他們是一個(gè)部落。

　　38. A. 最可能是在7世紀(jì)從印度流浪到西方。見第1題第二注釋。

　　B. 他們分散在世界各地。 C. 可能他們?cè)从谥袣W。 D. 他們可能來自國(guó)際吉普塞人聯(lián)盟。

　　39. D. 它們?cè)谶@些國(guó)際組織，40. 如歐盟，41. 聯(lián)合國(guó)中進(jìn)行活動(dòng)游說要取得一席之地。見第1題第一段，42. 三段注釋。

　　A. 它們游說活動(dòng)歐盟和聯(lián)合國(guó)接受他們的要求。太抽象。 B. 它們活動(dòng)游說在國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)取得職位。 C. 他們游說作為民族的權(quán)利。

　　43. C. 它害怕巴斯克人，44. 科西嘉人和其它要求分裂的民族會(huì)提出同45. 樣的要求。見難句譯注11。

　　A. 它可能會(huì)打開潘多拉盒子。此盒子在文章中只是比喻。 B. 鼓勵(lì)可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致某些意想不到的結(jié)果。 D. 吉普塞的要求會(huì)加深歐盟分歧。 B，D兩項(xiàng)不夠明確。

　　46. A. 吉普塞人屬于不同47. 的，而48. 且常常是對(duì)抗的民族的部落，49. 還沒有共同50. 的語言和宗教信仰。

　　B. 他們領(lǐng)袖很腐敗。 C. 他們潛在的團(tuán)結(jié)來自被人看作是低于人類(次等人)。 D. 他們有點(diǎn)太講究實(shí)效， B，C， D 三項(xiàng)不是主要問題。主要問題是A. 項(xiàng)