首爾——
中國、韓國和日本外交官最近紛紛走上聯(lián)合國大會的講臺，重申各自國家在東亞海域諸座小島的領(lǐng)土主張。但他們平靜的陳述方式掩蓋了各國之間日趨緊張的局勢，在過去幾個月中，圍繞著這些島嶼的緊張局勢幾乎失控。
中國和日本的爭論中心是釣魚島列島，日本稱之為尖閣列島。9月，日本政府宣布從日本私人所有者手中收購釣魚島列島的三個島嶼，這在中國掀起了反日示威潮。不久，數(shù)百艘中國漁船駛近釣魚島宣示中國主權(quán)。近來，越來越多的中國海事巡邏船只也加入了這些漁船的行列，定期在釣魚島附近水域巡航，有時與日本巡邏艦只發(fā)生沖突。
事態(tài)呈現(xiàn)出繼續(xù)升級的趨勢，中日雙方需要迅速消弭沖突，恢復(fù)原狀。事實(shí)上，在目前中國正在經(jīng)歷政權(quán)過渡的情況下，如此形勢顯得愈加動蕩了。
與此同時，韓國和日本也陷入了獨(dú)島(日本稱為竹島)之爭。8月初，李明博成為第一位訪問該列島的韓國總統(tǒng)，日本政府的反應(yīng)則是將該主權(quán)問題上訴到了聯(lián)合國國際法庭。
但國際法庭無權(quán)在沒有獲得雙方國家的同意下做出糾紛仲裁，而韓國拒絕了日本的建議，堅(jiān)持李明博訪問獨(dú)島屬于權(quán)限內(nèi)行為，因?yàn)楠?dú)島毫無疑問是韓國領(lǐng)土。事實(shí)上，韓國政府否認(rèn)兩國在獨(dú)島問題上有任何爭議。
在評估獨(dú)島問題上，歷史是關(guān)鍵。與韓國的其他地區(qū)一樣，獨(dú)島在20世紀(jì)初被日本吞并，而在二戰(zhàn)結(jié)束、韓國贏得獨(dú)立后回歸韓國。因此，盡管外人也許認(rèn)為這幾個荒涼的小島并不重要，但對韓國人來說，日本在獨(dú)島問題上的立場不啻于挑戰(zhàn)其國家的獨(dú)立性、否認(rèn)其在自身領(lǐng)土上行使主權(quán)的權(quán)利。
結(jié)果，幾十年來，獨(dú)島一直是兩國關(guān)系的絆腳石。2005年，日本某地方政府提出的所謂“竹島日”引發(fā)了韓國民眾大游行。但日本從未回避過獨(dú)島問題，政治要人每年都會參加“竹島日”慶典。
此外，日本有在歷史教科書中扭曲事實(shí)的習(xí)慣——比如否認(rèn)侵略期間強(qiáng)迫被侵略者成為“慰安婦”——這樣的做法激怒了韓國和包括中國在內(nèi)的其他亞洲國家，也讓日本失去了這些國家的信任。
獨(dú)島位于朝鮮半島和日本本土之間，距離雙方均為115海里左右。但就距離最近的島嶼來說，獨(dú)島距離韓國(郁陵島)比日本(沖島)近得多。
縱觀歷史文獻(xiàn)就會發(fā)現(xiàn)，日本在獨(dú)島問題上的立場發(fā)生過重大轉(zhuǎn)變。比如，在17世紀(jì)末，朝鮮和日本之間因日本漁民登上郁陵島而爆發(fā)沖突，鳥取藩(日本封建家族之一)向日本中央政府報告說，郁陵島和獨(dú)島并非日本領(lǐng)土。
類似地，1870年日本外務(wù)省的報告《朝鮮外交關(guān)系詳情秘密調(diào)查》中顯示，外務(wù)省認(rèn)為獨(dú)島屬于朝鮮領(lǐng)土。事實(shí)上，該報告的主題之一是“竹島和松島是如何為朝鮮王朝所有的”。
此外，在1877年的政令中，太政官(1868—1885年間日本最高決策機(jī)構(gòu))否認(rèn)了任何關(guān)于獨(dú)島的主權(quán)主張。但在1905年，日本采取措施將獨(dú)島納為日本領(lǐng)土，以作為日俄戰(zhàn)爭的戰(zhàn)略軍事基地。
1951年的舊金山和平條約(該條約標(biāo)志著第二次世界大戰(zhàn)太平洋戰(zhàn)事的結(jié)束)最終文本沒有提到獨(dú)島。但早先的版本將獨(dú)島列島視為韓國領(lǐng)土。起草最終版本的美國之所以刪去這一條，是為了同時與韓國和日本建立戰(zhàn)略合作伙伴關(guān)系，這對美國有利。
但是，1943年開羅宣言確定了戰(zhàn)后盟國對日本領(lǐng)土疆界的基本立場，其規(guī)定，日本必須歸還所有通過暴力占領(lǐng)的領(lǐng)土。根據(jù)宣言，日本無條件將獨(dú)島歸還韓國——以及韓國繼續(xù)行使獨(dú)島主權(quán)——是毫無爭議的。
在一個互相聯(lián)系日趨緊密的世界，重大挑戰(zhàn)只有通過地區(qū)和全球合作才能解決。但是，為了建立有意義的合作框架，東亞國家之間持續(xù)的不信任必須消除。地區(qū)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人必須停止相互指責(zé)，必須承擔(dān)起過去侵略行為的責(zé)任。誠實(shí)地面對歷史是東亞地區(qū)持續(xù)和平和繁榮的關(guān)鍵。
韓升洙是前韓國總理，2008—2009年間任56屆聯(lián)合國大會主席。
Han Seung-soo:Heeding History in East Asia
By Han Seung-soo
SEOUL - Chinese, South Korean, and Japanese diplomats recently took to the podium of the United Nations General Assembly to reassert their countries' positions on the territorial issues surrounding several small islands in the seas of East Asia. But the composed manner in which they delivered their remarks belied their countries' long-simmering tensions over the islands, which have come to a near boil in the last few months.
At the center of one heated dispute, between China and Japan, are the Senkaku Islands, which the Chinese call the Diaoyu Islands. In September, Japan's government announced its purchase of three of the islands from their private Japanese owner, inciting protests across China. Soon after, hundreds of Chinese fishing vessels approached the islands to assert China's sovereignty. These vessels have lately been joined by an increasing number of Chinese surveillance forces, which periodically enter the waters surrounding the islands, sometimes leading to direct confrontation with Japanese patrol ships.
With the situation threatening to escalate further, both sides need to contain the conflict quickly and restore the status quo. Indeed, the situation is all the more volatile in view of the political transition now underway in China.
Meanwhile, the Republic of Korea and Japan are engaged in a territorial standoff over the islets of Dokdo (called Takeshima in Japanese). In early August, Lee Myung-bak became the first South Korean president to visit the islets; Japan's government responded by proposing to take the sovereignty issue to the International Court of Justice.
But the ICJ cannot exercise jurisdiction in the dispute without both countries' consent, and South Korea has rejected Japan's proposal, maintaining that Lee was within his authority to visit the islets, given that Dokdo is unquestionably South Korean territory. Indeed, South Korea's government denies that there is any dispute over the islands.
Historical context is crucial to assessing the Dokdo issue. Like the rest of Korea, Dokdo was annexed by Japan in the early twentieth century, and restored to Korean control after World War II, when Korea regained its independence. Thus, while outsiders might view the desolate islands as insignificant, for Koreans, Japan's position on Dokdo is tantamount to a challenge to their country's independence and a denial of its right to exercise sovereignty over its own territory.
As a result, Dokdo has been a thorn in relations between the two countries for decades. In 2005, the creation of a so-called "Takeshima Day" by a local government in Japan triggered a public uproar in South Korea. But Japan has not shied away from the issue, with prominent political figures joining Takeshima Day celebrations each year.
Furthermore, Japan's habit of distorting facts in its history books - for example, denying that its former colonial subjects were forced into sexual slavery - has fueled distrust and anger in South Korea and elsewhere in East Asia, including China.
Dokdo is situated midway between the Korean peninsula and Japan's main island, roughly 115 nautical miles from each. But the islets are much closer to the nearest Korean island, Ulleungdo, than to Japan's Okishima.
A survey of historical documents shows a distinct shift in Japan's position on Dokdo. For example, in the late seventeenth century, when conflict between Korea and Japan erupted over the passage of Japanese fishermen to Ulleungdo, Tottori-han (one of Japan's feudal clans) told Japan's central government that Ulleungdo and Dokdo did not fall within Japanese territory.
Likewise, a report in 1870 by Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "A Confidential Inquiry into the Particulars of Korea's Foreign Relations," shows that the ministry recognized Dokdo as Korean territory. Indeed, the report includes the subject title "How Takeshima and Matsushima Came to Belong to Joseon" (later renamed Korea).
Moreover, the Dajokan, Japan's highest decision-making body in 1868-1885, denied any claims of sovereignty over Dokdo through its Order of 1877. Yet, in 1905, Japan took measures to incorporate Dokdo in order to use it as a strategic military site for its war with Russia.
The final text of the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty, which ended WWII in the Pacific, makes no mention of Dokdo. But earlier versions identified the islets as Korean territory. The reference in the final version, drafted by the United States, was removed in light of US interests in building strategic partnerships with both South Korea and Japan.
However, the 1943 Cairo Declaration, which stipulated the Allied Powers' basic position on Japan's territorial boundaries after WWII, stated that Japan would be expelled from all territories that it had annexed through violence. In this context, the unconditional return of Dokdo to Korea - and Korea's continued sovereignty over Dokdo - is indisputable.
In an increasingly interconnected world, significant challenges can be addressed only through regional and global partnerships. But, in order to build a meaningful framework for cooperation, enduring distrust among East Asian countries must be dispelled. Regional leaders must not get caught up in finger-pointing or avoid taking responsibility for past transgressions. An honest evaluation of history is crucial to establishing lasting peace and prosperity in East Asia.
Han Seung-soo was Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea, 2008-2009, and President of the 56th Session of the UN General Assembly.
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