2018年翻譯資格考試三級(jí)筆譯模擬題：經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展

　　第一篇

　　漢譯英

　　經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展得越快越好嗎?

　　近年來，不少人或撰文或著書，已經(jīng)提出質(zhì)疑：為經(jīng)濟(jì)而發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)，至少在較富裕的工業(yè)化國(guó)家究竟有無必要?誠然，經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)得越快的確意味著更多的財(cái)富，而且大多數(shù)人都追求財(cái)富，這是勿庸置疑的�！案辉Ｒ擦T，貧窮也罷，我都經(jīng)歷過。說實(shí)話，富裕當(dāng)然勝過貧窮�！币晃恢�名演員曾這樣向采訪者坦言。大多數(shù)人在整體上對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)似乎也持同樣觀點(diǎn)。他們認(rèn)為，健康的經(jīng)濟(jì)必須能夠生產(chǎn)出大批量的鞋子、食品、汽車和電視機(jī)。當(dāng)某個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)體的這種產(chǎn)出能力不再擴(kuò)大，人們就認(rèn)為它遭遇了經(jīng)濟(jì)停滯。

　　從亞當(dāng)·斯密到卡爾·馬克思，許多經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家都認(rèn)識(shí)到經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的好處。馬克思認(rèn)為資本主義至少在其歷史發(fā)展的初期確實(shí)是一種重要的經(jīng)濟(jì)組織形式，它使整個(gè)社會(huì)擺脫了中世紀(jì)的桎梏。馬克思認(rèn)為“單憑社會(huì)生產(chǎn)能力的發(fā)展這一點(diǎn)就能為社會(huì)生產(chǎn)能力的更高形式打下堅(jiān)實(shí)基礎(chǔ)，成為更高一級(jí)社會(huì)形式的根基。”馬克思還告訴我們，只有當(dāng)這種強(qiáng)大的生產(chǎn)能力有了長(zhǎng)足的發(fā)展之后，人們才能擁有“一個(gè)以個(gè)人的完全自由發(fā)展為指導(dǎo)原則的社會(huì)�！睋Q言之，只有富足的經(jīng)濟(jì)才能使每個(gè)社會(huì)成員的自我需求得到充分滿足。這種滿足體現(xiàn)為：在工作中施展才能或是在不斷豐富的休閑活動(dòng)中盡情放松。

　　然而對(duì)于一個(gè)已經(jīng)非常富足的社會(huì)而言是否有必要再一味追求發(fā)展，人們對(duì)此的質(zhì)疑，無疑是有充分說服力的。一味地追求產(chǎn)品數(shù)量的增長(zhǎng)已經(jīng)讓社會(huì)付出了巨大的代價(jià)。比如環(huán)境污染，交通擁擠，需特殊處理廢物的激增，以及由此造成的負(fù)面心理及社會(huì)影響。人們認(rèn)為，工業(yè)化的出現(xiàn)，已經(jīng)把以往工匠們給人以享受的創(chuàng)造性工作，變成了流水線上毫無人性的機(jī)械化操作。它使街頭堆滿了垃圾，空氣中彌漫著煙霧，食品中殘留著有毒農(nóng)藥。問題在于，那些大量的冷凍食品、說話娃娃、收音機(jī)和止痛藥能否彌補(bǔ)工業(yè)化給社會(huì)造成的巨大代價(jià)。

　　正如一位著名的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家所言：西方社會(huì)一味地追求經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展，總體看來，非但沒有優(yōu)化人們的社會(huì)生活，相反有惡化趨勢(shì)。科技創(chuàng)新也許給人們帶來了物質(zhì)上的滿足，但是由于更新?lián)Q代的速度太快，反而使人們倍感焦慮;通訊方式更加快捷了，人們卻更加孤獨(dú)了;社會(huì)流動(dòng)性增強(qiáng)了，人們反而疲于奔命;汽車更加普及了，人們反而更加疏遠(yuǎn)了;看電視的時(shí)間多了，人們交流的機(jī)會(huì)少了。結(jié)果人們與周圍鄰居之間從來沒有像現(xiàn)在這樣陌生。

　　幾乎所有的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家都認(rèn)為這種關(guān)注并非杞人憂天，盡管很多人并不認(rèn)為經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長(zhǎng)就是罪魁禍?zhǔn)�。然而他們一致�?qiáng)調(diào)：水和空氣污染、噪音、交通擁擠、機(jī)械性的工作等問題的確是很嚴(yán)重的現(xiàn)實(shí)問題。社會(huì)確實(shí)沒有任何理由不盡一切努力解決好這些問題。

　　參考譯文

　　Is More Growth Really Better?

　　A number of writers have raised questions about the desirability of faster economic growth as an end in itself, at least in the wealthier industrialized countries. Yet faster growth does mean more wealth, and to most people the desirability of wealth is beyond question. "I've been rich and I've been poor - and I can tell you, rich is better, " a noted stage personality is said to have told an interviewer, and most people seem to have the same attitude about the economy as a whole. To those who hold this belief, a healthy economy is one that is capable of turning out vast quantities of shoes, food, cars, and TV sets. An economy whose capacity to provide all these things is not expanding is said to have succumbed to the disease of stagnation.

　　Economists from Adam Smith to Karl Marx saw great virtue in economic growth. Marx argued that capitalism, at least in its earlier historical stages, was a vital form of economic organization by which society got out of the rut in which the medieval stage of history had trapped it. Marx believed that "the development of the productive powers of society…alone can form the real basis of a higher form of productive powers of society". Marx went on to tell us that only where such great productive powers have been unleashed can one have "a society in which the full and free development of every individual forms the ruling principle." In other words, only a wealthy economy can afford to give all individuals the opportunity for full personal satisfaction through the use of their special abilities in their jobs and through increased leisure activities.

　　Yet the desirability of further economic growth for a society that is already wealthy has been questioned on grounds that undoubtedly have a good deal of validity. It is pointed out that the sheer increase in quantity of products has imposed an enormous cost on society in the form of pollution, crowding, proliferation of wastes that need disposal, and debilitating psychological and social effects. It is said that industry has transformed the satisfying and creative tasks of the artisan into the mechanical and dehumanizing routine of the assembly line. It has dotted our road sides with junkyards, filled our air with smoke, and poisoned our food with dangerous chemicals. The question is whether the outpouring of frozen foods, talking dolls, radios, and headache remedies is worth its high cost to society. As one well-known economist put it:

　　The continued pursuit of economic growth by Western Societies is more likely on balance to reduce rather than increase social welfare… Technological innovations may offer to add to men's material opportunities. But by increasing the risks of their obsolescence it adds also to their anxiety. Swifter means of communications have the paradoxical effect of isolating people; increased mobility has led to more hours commuting; increased automobilization to increased separation; more television to less communication. 10 In consequence, people know less of their neighbors than ever before.

　　Virtually every economist agrees that these concerns are valid, though many question whether economic growth is their major cause. Nevertheless, they all emphasize that pollution of air and water, noise and congestion, and the mechanization of the work process are very real and very serious problems. There is every reason for society to undertake programs that grapple with these problems.

　　第二篇

　　漢譯英

　　什么是全球化？

　　全球化是描述全球社會(huì)出現(xiàn)的一個(gè)術(shù)語，在這個(gè)社會(huì)中，世界上一個(gè)區(qū)域在經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治、環(huán)境、文化方面的事件會(huì)很快對(duì)世界其它地區(qū)的人們產(chǎn)生重大影響。2全球化是通信、運(yùn)輸、信息科技發(fā)展的結(jié)果。它體現(xiàn)了連接個(gè)體、社區(qū)、公司以及各國(guó)政府間日益增長(zhǎng)的經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治、科技文化聯(lián)系。全球化包括多國(guó)公司和跨國(guó)公司的成長(zhǎng)。監(jiān)管世界貿(mào)易和金融的國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)3在全球化時(shí)代發(fā)揮著日益重要的作用。4

　　盡管絕大多數(shù)人依然是單一國(guó)家的公民，然而他們卻比以往任何時(shí)候在文化上、物質(zhì)上、心理上5更多地參與著其它國(guó)家人民的生活。遙遠(yuǎn)的事件通常會(huì)產(chǎn)生迅速重大的影響6，我們生活中的日常用品，如我們穿的衣服、吃的食物、開的汽車——都是全球化的產(chǎn)品。

　　全球化最明顯的證據(jù)是貿(mào)易和資本(股票、債券、貨幣和其它投資)流動(dòng)的增長(zhǎng)。自1950年到2001年全球出口額7增加了20倍。到2001年世界貿(mào)易已增至全球生產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品和提供的服務(wù)總和的四分之一。就資本而言，在20世紀(jì)70年代早期，日成交貨幣只有一百億到兩百億美元。到21世紀(jì)初，日貨幣交易已逾1.5兆億美元。

　　大多數(shù)專家認(rèn)為全球化是通信、運(yùn)輸和信息科技改善的結(jié)果8。例如，由于通信和信息處理的革新，不僅貨幣，股票、證券以及其他金融資產(chǎn)一天二十四小時(shí)9都能夠在全球范圍內(nèi)進(jìn)行交易。從紐約到倫敦一個(gè)三分鐘長(zhǎng)的電話在1930年花費(fèi)超過300美元(按2000年的價(jià)格計(jì)算)，瞬間的通訊非常昂貴。如今這類花費(fèi)已微不足道。10

　　通信和信息技術(shù)的進(jìn)步使得商業(yè)訂單的處理成本節(jié)省90%以上。比如，11利用計(jì)算機(jī)在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)上進(jìn)行銀行交易，對(duì)銀行業(yè)來說每筆花費(fèi)幾分錢，而用傳統(tǒng)方法就會(huì)要花費(fèi)數(shù)美元。20世紀(jì)的后30年計(jì)算機(jī)處理能力的實(shí)際成本平均每年下降30%。人們幾乎在任何地方都能與他們的顧客、家人一周七天、一天24小時(shí)保持迅捷的聯(lián)系。

　　通信領(lǐng)域的進(jìn)步將全球的人們隨時(shí)聯(lián)結(jié)起來。例如通訊衛(wèi)星使全球廣播、電視新聞事件，如戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、國(guó)家災(zāi)難、體育賽事和其他娛樂活動(dòng)等。互聯(lián)網(wǎng)、手機(jī)和傳真機(jī)實(shí)現(xiàn)了迅捷通信。

　　全球化的另一表現(xiàn)是交通運(yùn)輸條件的改善。噴氣式飛機(jī)的次日貨物遞送使世界變得越來越小。即使是速度緩慢的遠(yuǎn)洋運(yùn)輸貨輪也由于集裝箱貨運(yùn)這樣的革新，提高了效率12、降低了成本。

　　信息科技的進(jìn)步也降低了13商業(yè)成本。例如，按股票市場(chǎng)價(jià)值計(jì)算，全球思科系統(tǒng)公司14是世界上最大的公司之一。然而思科僅有三家工廠生產(chǎn)用于互聯(lián)網(wǎng)維護(hù)的設(shè)備，而將其他的工作轉(zhuǎn)包給了別的公司。

　　成本的降低使美國(guó)公司得以移到海外，同時(shí)也使外國(guó)制造商在美國(guó)境內(nèi)設(shè)廠更為容易。日本豐田汽車公司在北美銷售的汽車三分之二是在北美制造的。

　　不僅是貨物、貨幣和信息在迅速地長(zhǎng)途移動(dòng)，越來越多的人口也在大范圍快速流動(dòng)。移民是全球化時(shí)代的一個(gè)重要特征。工人們寄回本國(guó)的錢已經(jīng)成為很多國(guó)家的重要收入來源。

　　參考譯文

　　What Is Globalization?

　　Globalization is a term for the emergence of a global society in which economic, political, environmental, and cultural events in one part of the world quickly come to have significance for people in other parts of the world. Globalization is the result of advances in communication, transportation, and information technologies. It describes the growing economic, political, technological, and cultural linkages that connect individuals, communities, businesses, and governments around the world. Globalization also involves the growth of multinational corporations and transnational corporations. The international institutions that oversee world trade and finance play an increasingly important role in this era of globalization.

　　Although most people continue to live as citizens of a single nation, they are culturally, materially, and psychologically engaged with the lives of people in other countries as never before. Distant events often have an immediate and significant impact. Items common to our everyday lives - such as the clothes we wear, the food we eat, and the cars we drive - are the products of globalization.

　　The most dramatic evidence of globalization is the increase in trade and the movement of capital (stocks, bonds, currencies, and other investments). From 1950 to 2001 the volume of world exports rose by 20 times. By 2001 world trade amounted to a quarter of all the goods and services produced in the world. As for capital, in the early l970s only $ 10 billion to $ 20 billion in national currencies were exchanged daily. By the early part of the 2lst century more than $ 1.5 trillion were traded daily to support the expanded levels of trade and investment

　　Most experts attribute globalization to improvements in communication, transportation, and information technologies. For example, not only currencies, but also stocks, bonds, and other financial assets can be traded round the clock and around the world due to innovations in communication and information processing. A three-minute telephone call from New York City to London in 1930 cost more than $ 300 (in year 2000 prices) , making instant communication very expensive. Today the cost is insignificant.

　　Advances in communication and information technologies have helped slash the cost of processing business orders by well over 90 percent. Using a computer to do banking on the Internet, for example, costs the banking industry pennies per transaction instead of dollars by traditional methods. Over the last third of the 20th century the real cost of computer processing power fell by 35 percent on average each year. People can be almost anywhere and remain in instant communication with their employers, customers, or families 24 hours a day, 7 days a week.

　　Advances in communications instantly unite people around the globe. For example, communications satellites allow global television broadcasts to bring news of faraway events, such as wars and national disasters as well as sports and other forms of entertainment. The Internet, the cell phone, and the fax machine permit instantaneous communication. Improvements in transportation are also part of globalization. The world becomes smaller due to next-day delivery by jet airplane. Even slow, oceangoing vessels have streamlined transportation and lowered costs due to innovations such as containerized shipping.

　　Advances in information technologies have also lowered business costs. The global corporation Cisco Systems, for example, is one of the world's largest companies as measured by its stock market value. Yet Cisco owns only three factories to make the equipment used to help maintain the Internet. Cisco subcontracts the rest of its work to other companies around the world.

　　The lowering of costs that has enabled U. S. companies to locate abroad has also made it easier for foreign producers to locate in the United States. Two-thirds of the automobiles sold in North America by Japan's Toyota Motor Company are built in North America

　　Not only do goods, money, and information move great distances quickly, but also more people are moving great distances as well. Migration is a major feature of this era of globalization. Remittances sent home by workers to their home countries have become an important source of income for many countries.

　　第三篇

　　漢譯英

　　旗游、全球化與可持續(xù)發(fā)展

　　旅游是全球經(jīng)濟(jì)中一個(gè)快速增長(zhǎng)的領(lǐng)域，因而發(fā)展中國(guó)家正努力從這一快速增長(zhǎng)的產(chǎn)業(yè)中獲利，以促進(jìn)海外投資、增加金融儲(chǔ)備。聯(lián)合國(guó)一方面承認(rèn)，該產(chǎn)業(yè)的無序發(fā)展會(huì)造成嚴(yán)重的環(huán)境和社會(huì)問題，另一方面卻堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為這些負(fù)面影響可以得到控制和減小。

　　在了解全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的嚴(yán)酷現(xiàn)實(shí)之前，讓我先講個(gè)故事為大家熱熱身。最近我在報(bào)紙上看到泰國(guó)林業(yè)部高官稱：“人類無法生活在森林里，因?yàn)槿祟惒皇莿?dòng)物;動(dòng)物與人類不同，能夠自然地適應(yīng)荒野和其它環(huán)境。”他的話令我非常困惑。這種說法將使政府將數(shù)以萬計(jì)的邊遠(yuǎn)練習(xí)參考答案和山區(qū)部落人民逐出保護(hù)地的計(jì)劃合法化。這位負(fù)責(zé)森林保護(hù)的官員正在以“生態(tài)旅游”為名義積極推動(dòng)向海外投資商和游客開放該國(guó)的81家森林公園。我們由此是否可以斷定，這位林業(yè)高官把開發(fā)商和游客看作了動(dòng)物，他們知道如何適應(yīng)在森林中的環(huán)境、在荒野里自然地生存的動(dòng)物?

　　盡管當(dāng)局要禁止村民接近林地和自然資源，而另一群人，那些旅游開發(fā)商和出手闊綽的游客，卻能獲準(zhǔn)進(jìn)入這一地區(qū)。當(dāng)局認(rèn)為世世代代生活在這里的當(dāng)?shù)鼐用駴]有能力通過諸如社區(qū)森林保護(hù)規(guī)劃之類的方法管理其土地和自然資源，唯當(dāng)局自身卻堅(jiān)信他們可以在全國(guó)生態(tài)旅游規(guī)劃之下，與旅游部門合作，妥善地管理并保護(hù)“自然”。倘若上述說法當(dāng)真，那些憤世嫉俗的人也許不禁要說，看來“人權(quán)”與“動(dòng)物權(quán)”之間鴻溝確實(shí)不小。

　　這怎么會(huì)與全球化聯(lián)系在一起呢?首先，人類不能生活在森林里，這本來并不是泰國(guó)人的觀念，而是西方環(huán)保意識(shí)的影響——也即觀念全球化的一個(gè)結(jié)果。同樣，建立在“良好的管理”體制下的生態(tài)旅游有益于當(dāng)?shù)厝嗣窈妥匀坏挠^念也是一個(gè)正在全球化的西方觀念。事實(shí)上，泰國(guó)林業(yè)高官表面上著眼的是全球，實(shí)際上著力的卻是本部門的利益。在這一點(diǎn)上有個(gè)教訓(xùn)：多年來環(huán)保運(yùn)動(dòng)提倡的“著限全球，著力本地”的口號(hào)，并沒有被用來保護(hù)環(huán)境、捍衛(wèi)當(dāng)?shù)厣鐓^(qū)的權(quán)利，而是被官方機(jī)構(gòu)和私人企業(yè)共同曲解謀利了。旅游業(yè)在這一點(diǎn)上的表現(xiàn)可以說是淋漓盡致了。

　　許多發(fā)展中國(guó)家面臨著沉重的債務(wù)負(fù)擔(dān)和日益刻薄的貿(mào)易條款，轉(zhuǎn)而提升旅游業(yè)，以期得到外匯、吸引投資。與此同時(shí)，世界銀行、聯(lián)合國(guó)各部門等主要國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)和世界旅行及旅游業(yè)理事會(huì)之類的商業(yè)組織已經(jīng)從實(shí)質(zhì)上已參與進(jìn)來，使旅游業(yè)事實(shí)上成為一個(gè)全球產(chǎn)業(yè)。

　　然而，在批評(píng)家看來，發(fā)展中國(guó)家的旅游業(yè)往往是先前殖民統(tǒng)治的延續(xù)，因?yàn)閺囊婚_始，它就從國(guó)際經(jīng)濟(jì)關(guān)系上獲益，而這種關(guān)系從結(jié)構(gòu)上講有利于北半球發(fā)達(dá)資本主義國(guó)家。不平等的貿(mào)易關(guān)系、對(duì)海外利益的依賴和勞動(dòng)的分工，使南半球的窮國(guó)淪為旅游的接受者，而北半球的富國(guó)則處于旅游生產(chǎn)者的地位，他們不必為眾所周知的對(duì)旅游目的地造成的負(fù)面影響買單。

　　IV Translate the following passage into Chinese

　　貿(mào)易保護(hù)主義考驗(yàn)全球經(jīng)濟(jì)

　　2000年全球共有反傾銷案251起，略高于20世紀(jì)90年代年均232起的數(shù)字。但是， 2001年，反傾銷案件猛增到創(chuàng)記錄的348起。這個(gè)的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)字表明貿(mào)易保護(hù)主義正在迅速 蔓延，并日益成為國(guó)際貿(mào)易中一個(gè)嚴(yán)重的問題。

　　事實(shí)表明，一旦經(jīng)濟(jì)陷入衰退，貿(mào)易保護(hù)主義就會(huì)抬頭。2002年3月20日，美國(guó)正式 啟動(dòng)201祭款，對(duì)進(jìn)口鋼材加征30%的進(jìn)口關(guān)稅，這就是貿(mào)易保護(hù)主義的最好例證。

　　參考譯文

　　Tourism, Globalization and Sustainable Development

　　Tourism is one of the fastest growing sectors of the global economy and developing countries are attempting to cash in on this expanding industry in an attempt to boost foreign investment and financial reserves. While conceding that the uncontrolled growth of this industry can result in serious environmental and social problems, the United Nations contends that such negative effects can be controlled and reduced.

　　Before getting into the cold facts of global economics, let me begin with another story to warm up. I was perplexed when I recently read in the newspaper that Thailand's forestry chief had said: "Humans can't live in the forest because human beings aren't animals. Unlike us, animals can adapt themselves to the wild or any environment naturally. "This was to legitimatize the government's plan to remove hundreds of thousands of rural and hill tribe people from protected areas. This man, who is in charge of conserving the forests, is at the same time very strongly pushing to open up the country's 81 national parks to outside investors and visitors in the name of "eco-tourism". Can we conclude, then, that the forestry chief considers developers and tourists as animals that know how to adapt to the forest and behave in the wild naturally?

　　While authorities want to stop the access to forest lands and natural resources of village people, another group of people - namely tourism developers and tourists with lots of money to spend - are set to gain access to the area. While authorities believe that local people, who have often lived in the area for generations, are not capable of managing and conserving their land and natural resources - under a community forestry scheme for example - they believe they themselves in cooperation with the tourist industry can properly manage and conserve "nature" under a national eco-tourism plan. Taking the above quote seriously, cynics may be tempted to say there is obviously a gap between "human rights" and "animal rights".

　　How is this story linked to globalization? First of all, that humans cannot live in the forest is - of course - not a Thai concept. It is a notion of Western conservation ideology - an outcome of the globalization of ideas and perceptions. Likewise, that eco-tourism under a "good management" system is beneficial to local people and nature is also a Western concept that is being globalized. In fact, Thailand's forestry chief thinks globally and acts locally. A lesson that can be learned from this is that the slogan "Think Globally, Act Locally" that the environmental movements have promoted all the years, has not necessarily served to preserve the environment and safeguard local communities' rights, but has been co-opted and distorted by official agencies and private industries for profit-making purposes. The tourism industry is demonstrating this all too well

　　Many developing countries, facing debt burdens and worsening trade terms, have turned to tourism promotion in the hope that it brings foreign exchange and investment. Simultaneously, leading international agencies such as the World Bank, United Nations agencies and business organizations like the World Travel & Tourism Council (WTTC) have been substantially involved to make tourism a truly global industry.

　　However, tourism in developing countries is often viewed by critics as an extension of former colonial conditions because from the very beginning, it has benefited from international economic relationships that structurally favor the advanced capitalist countries in the North. Unequal trading relationships, dependence on foreign interests, and the division of labor have relegated Door countries in the South to becoming tourism recipients and affluent countries in the North to the position of tourism generators, with the latter enjoying the freedom from having to pay the price for the meanwhile well-known negative impacts in destinations.

　　第四篇

　　漢譯英

　　美國(guó)鋼鐵業(yè)由于自身的結(jié)構(gòu)問題，再加上本國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)蕭條的打擊，許多鋼鐵公司紛紛倒 閉。出于政治上的原因，布什政府揮起了“鋼鐵大棒”，保護(hù)本國(guó)的鋼鐵業(yè)，引發(fā)了鋼材出 口國(guó)的強(qiáng)烈不滿。

　　美國(guó)是發(fā)起對(duì)外反傾銷案最多的國(guó)家，其次是加拿大、印度和歐盟。而中國(guó)則是反傾銷 案最主要的打擊目標(biāo)之一。

　　反傾銷調(diào)查最終經(jīng)常會(huì)導(dǎo)致加征進(jìn)口稅，目的在于增加出口商的銷售成本，保護(hù)本國(guó)產(chǎn) 品的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。雖然很多實(shí)施反傾銷行動(dòng)的國(guó)家宣稱他們的行為是合法的，但是無可否認(rèn)，反 傾銷的根本目的是保護(hù)本國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力低下的生產(chǎn)者。

　　美國(guó)的201條款還不同于普通的反傾銷、反補(bǔ)貼措施，它不要求調(diào)查出口國(guó)是否進(jìn)行了 不公平的貿(mào)易活動(dòng)，只要求對(duì)國(guó)內(nèi)相關(guān)行業(yè)是否因進(jìn)口增加而受損進(jìn)行調(diào)查即可。這種緊急 保護(hù)措施較普通的反傾銷更隨意，也更為嚴(yán)厲。

　　結(jié)果，歐盟、日本、韓國(guó)等國(guó)都在世界貿(mào)易組織向美國(guó)提出起訴，并準(zhǔn)備采取緊急保護(hù) 措施。貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)可能會(huì)從鋼鐵擴(kuò)展到其他產(chǎn)業(yè)，而全球貿(mào)易的穩(wěn)定將經(jīng)受新一輪的考驗(yàn)。

　　參考譯文

　　World Economy Tested by Trade Protectionism

　　There were 251 anti-dumping cases put on file throughout the world in 2000, a slightly higher number than the annual average of 232 cases throughout the 1990s. In the single year of 2001, however, the number suddenly rose to a record high of 348, indicating a rapid spread of trade protectionism, an increasingly serious problem in world trade.

　　Trade protectionism begins to prevail when economic depression occurs. The best proof of this was the U. S. Trade and Tariff Act's Section 201, which was made effective on March 20, 2002, and imposed a 300/o ad valorem duty on imported steel.

　　Due to structural problems in the domestic steel industry and the negative impact of economic depression in the United States, many U.S. steel producers went bankrupt. For political reasons, the Bush Administration began to rely on its "Steel Stick" to protect the domestic steel industry, a move strongly opposed by many steel-exporting countries.

　　The United States ranks first in taking anti-dumping cases against other countries, and is followed by Canada, India and the European Union. China is one of the main target countries of anti-dumping actions.

　　Anti-dumping investigations often end in an increase in duties, with the aim of raising exporters' sales costs to protect the competitiveness of domestic goods. Most countries allege legal validity in their anti-dumping actions. The ultimate purpose, however, is to protect domestic producers that are less competitive.

　　Section 201 differs from ordinary anti-dumping and anti-subsidy measure in that it does not require an investigation into the alleged unfair trade activities by the exporting country. Instead it only requires an investigation into whether the domestic industry is injured by the increase in imported goods. This protective measure taken in an urgent situation is more random and severe than ordinary anti-dumping actions.

　　As a result, the European Union, Japan and South Korea have brought accusations against the U.S. to the WTO and are ready to take urgent protective measures. As it is likely that the trade war in the steel industry will spread to other industries, world trade stability will be subject to another round of trials and tribulations.

　　熱點(diǎn)關(guān)注：2018年翻譯資格考試初級(jí)筆譯模擬題(264篇)